U.S. Federal Spending: What We Spend and What It Costs

The federal government will spend approximately $7.4 trillion in FY2026. For the first time in U.S. history, net interest payments now exceed defense spending. Healthcare consumes 18% of GDP—nearly double the OECD average. What do the numbers actually say?

Common claims vs. what the data shows
Claim“The U.S. can’t afford Medicare for All”
EvidenceComplex. Medicare for All would require $1.5–2T/year in new federal spending. But it would replace ~$3.6T in current private healthcare spending. Net impact depends on administrative savings, price negotiation, and utilization changes. The U.S. already spends more per capita on healthcare than any country with universal coverage.
Claim“We spend more on defense than anything else”
EvidenceNo longer true. As of FY2026 Q1, net interest payments ($270.3B) exceeded defense spending ($266.9B) for the first time in U.S. history. The largest spending category is Social Security, followed by Medicare/Medicaid, then defense and interest.
Claim“Cutting foreign aid would solve the budget problem”
EvidenceNo. Foreign aid is approximately $60–65B/year (~0.8% of the federal budget). Eliminating it entirely would close roughly 3% of the annual deficit. The structural fiscal challenge is driven by mandatory spending (Social Security, Medicare) and debt service, not discretionary programs.
Claim“The U.S. healthcare system is the best in the world”
EvidenceMixed. The U.S. has world-class technology access and the lowest cancer mortality in some measures. But it ranks last or near-last among peer nations on life expectancy (78.6 years vs. OECD average 81.0), infant mortality, and healthcare access. It spends $13,432/capita vs. OECD average ~$4,500—nearly 3x—for these outcomes.
Part 1 of 6

The Federal Budget: Where the Money Goes

U.S. Federal Budget — FY2026 Projected Outlays CBO January 2026 Baseline
Total outlays~$7.4 trillion
Social Security~$1.5T (20.3% of outlays)
Medicare~$1.1T (14.9%)
Medicaid & CHIP~$630B (8.5%)
Defense (base + OCO)~$900B (12.2%)
Net interest on debt~$950B (12.8%) — exceeds defense
Other mandatory (SNAP, SSI, etc.)~$800B (10.8%)
Non-defense discretionary~$870B (11.7%)
Total revenues~$5.2T
Deficit~$2.2T (7.6% of GDP)

Two-thirds of all federal spending is mandatory—driven by entitlement formulas and demographic growth rather than annual appropriations. Social Security, Medicare, Medicaid, and interest together consume approximately 57% of total outlays. The entire discretionary budget (defense + non-defense) is approximately 24% of outlays.

Source: CBO January 2026 Baseline. Percentage of total outlays (~$7.4T).

Part 1 takeaway: The U.S. federal government spends ~$7.4T in FY2026 against ~$5.2T in revenues, producing a ~$2.2T deficit (7.6% of GDP). The largest categories are Social Security (~$1.5T), Medicare (~$1.1T), and net interest (~$950B). Two-thirds of spending is mandatory. Foreign aid (~$65B) is 0.9% of outlays—eliminating it entirely would close ~3% of the deficit.
Part 2 of 6

The Debt and Interest Problem

In FY2026 Q1 (October–December 2025), the U.S. federal government paid more in net interest on the national debt than it spent on national defense for the first time in recorded history. Treasury Monthly Statement data:

Source: CBO, OMB. Net interest as % of GDP.

FY2026 Q1 (Oct–Dec 2025): Interest vs. Defense Treasury Monthly Treasury Statement
Net interest payments, Q1 FY2026$270.3 billion
Defense outlays, Q1 FY2026$266.9 billion
National debt (public)~$28.9 trillion
Debt-to-GDP ratio~98% and rising
Average interest rate on debt portfolio~3.4% (rising as old low-rate debt matures)
CBO 10-year interest projection$13T+ over 2026–2036

This dynamic will worsen. Approximately $7–8T in Treasury debt issued at near-zero rates during 2020–2021 is rolling over into the current higher-rate environment (4.25–4.5% Fed funds rate). As old low-rate debt matures and is refinanced, the average interest rate on the portfolio rises mechanically. CBO projects interest payments will reach $1.7T/year by 2035 if current policies continue.

Part 2 takeaway: For the first time in U.S. history, net interest payments exceed defense spending (FY2026 Q1: $270.3B vs. $266.9B). The debt-to-GDP ratio is ~98% and rising. Interest costs will compound as pandemic-era low-rate debt matures and refinances at current rates. CBO projects $13T+ in interest over the next decade under current policy.
Part 3 of 6

Healthcare: The Core Spending Problem

Healthcare spending and outcomes across peer nations, 2024
CountryPer Capita Spending% of GDPLife ExpectancyCoverage
United States$13,43217.6%78.6 yrsPartial (91%)
Switzerland$9,66611.3%83.2 yrsUniversal
Germany$7,38312.8%80.8 yrsUniversal
Sweden$6,26211.0%83.1 yrsUniversal
France$5,76511.9%82.5 yrsUniversal
Canada$5,90513.0%81.9 yrsUniversal
Australia$5,90110.0%83.3 yrsUniversal
United Kingdom$4,65310.9%80.7 yrsUniversal
OECD Average~$4,5009.2%81.0 yrsMost universal
Japan$4,66610.9%84.3 yrsUniversal

The U.S. spends nearly 3x the OECD average per capita on healthcare ($13,432 vs. ~$4,500) and 17.6% of GDP vs. the OECD average of 9.2%—while achieving lower life expectancy (78.6 vs. 81.0 years) and higher infant mortality than most peer nations. This is the central healthcare outcomes paradox.

The U.S. healthcare spending premium over peers is explained by several factors: (1) administrative costs—approximately 34% of U.S. healthcare spending is administrative, vs. 12–22% in other systems; (2) higher prices for services—U.S. MRI costs average ~$1,200 vs. ~$200–500 in peer nations; (3) higher drug prices—U.S. brand-name drug prices are 2–4x higher than in countries with price negotiation; (4) higher physician and specialist salaries; and (5) greater utilization of high-cost interventions.

Part 3 takeaway: The U.S. spends $13,432/capita on healthcare (17.6% of GDP)—nearly 3x the OECD average—while achieving lower life expectancy than 30+ peer nations. The premium reflects higher administrative costs (~34% of spending), higher service prices (MRIs, drugs, procedures), and greater specialist utilization. Every other high-income nation achieves universal or near-universal coverage at 10–13% of GDP.
Part 4 of 6

Policy Proposals: Actual Cost Estimates

Healthcare policy proposals with CBO/independent cost estimates
PolicyFederal CostSourceNet Effect on Total Spending
Medicare for All (single-payer)+$1.5–2T/yr federalBlahous (Mercatus), PERINet savings of $0–$5.1T over 10 years (PERI) or net cost $32T over 10 years (Mercatus) depending on assumptions
Public option (Medicare buy-in)+$400–800B/10 yrCBO estimatesReduces uninsured; smaller disruption than M4A
ACA subsidy extension (ARPA)$350B/10 yearsCBO 2025Preserves 3–4M insurance enrollees
Drug price negotiation (IRA, expanded)Saves $100–300B/10 yrCBOReduces Medicare Part D costs

The Medicare for All cost estimates span an enormous range ($0 net to $32T over 10 years) because they depend critically on assumptions about: (1) how much the government would pay providers (Medicare rates vs. current private rates); (2) how much administrative savings would materialize; and (3) how utilization would change with universal access. Both estimates use the same underlying data—they differ in assumptions, not facts.

Education policy proposals with cost estimates
PolicyAnnual Federal CostSource
Free community college (2-year)$35–60B/yearCBO, Georgetown CEW
Free 4-year public university$200B+/yearCBO estimates
Student debt cancellation (full)$400B/30 years (~$13B/yr)CBO FY2024 score
Pell Grant doubling+$30B/yearOMB
Part 4 takeaway: Medicare for All’s federal cost is real ($1.5–2T/yr new federal spending) but displaces ~$3.6T in private spending—the net impact depends entirely on price negotiation and administrative savings assumptions. Free community college costs $35–60B/year; free 4-year college $200B+/year. These are large numbers in absolute terms but less than the annual interest payment increase from a 1% rise in borrowing rates.
Part 5 of 6

Revenue and the Fiscal Gap

The $2.2T projected FY2026 deficit is structural—it is not driven by temporary emergencies but by a permanent gap between the trajectory of mandatory spending (driven by aging demographics and healthcare cost growth) and the revenue base. CBO projects deficits will average 7–8% of GDP through the 2030s under current law, reaching debt-to-GDP of ~130% by 2035.

Key demographic driver: The 2010 U.S. population included 40M people age 65+. By 2030: 72M. By 2050: 88M. Social Security and Medicare costs grow automatically with the eligible population. The ratio of workers to beneficiaries (which was 16:1 in 1950) is now 2.7:1 and falling.

The CBO’s tax expenditure database shows approximately $1.8T/year in foregone revenue from tax preferences (mortgage interest deduction, employer healthcare exclusion, capital gains preferential rates, step-up basis, etc.). Eliminating major tax expenditures could close a significant fraction of the structural deficit. Raising the corporate rate from 21% to 28% would raise approximately $1.3T over 10 years (CBO). A wealth tax or financial transactions tax faces significant implementation and avoidance challenges—the revenue yield from proposed versions varies widely in practice.

Part 5 takeaway: The $2.2T deficit is structural, driven by aging demographics and healthcare cost growth outpacing revenues. Debt-to-GDP is projected to reach ~130% by 2035. Tax expenditures (~$1.8T/year in foregone revenue) represent the largest potential revenue source. Demographic pressure from the 65+ population doubling by 2030 is the primary long-run driver of mandatory spending growth.
Part 6 of 6

Steelmanning Both Sides

The U.S. already spends more per capita on healthcare than any country with universal coverage. Converting to a single-payer system could, under favorable assumptions, reduce total healthcare spending while expanding coverage—international evidence strongly suggests the current system is inefficient at the national level, not just unequal. Investment in education has demonstrated long-run returns in human capital formation and tax base expansion that offset near-term costs.

The interest-rate risk of the current debt trajectory is real, but the U.S. dollar’s reserve currency status provides significant debt tolerance not available to other nations. Japan’s debt-to-GDP exceeds 250% without fiscal crisis—though Japan is a special case with its own dynamics. Infrastructure and R&D investment that raises productivity can grow the GDP denominator faster than the debt numerator.

Interest payments exceeding defense spending is not a metaphor—it is a real constraint. Every dollar of interest payments is a dollar not available for discretionary priorities. The CBO’s 10-year projection of $13T+ in interest represents a compounding trap: deficits increase the debt, which increases interest, which increases deficits. At some point, the market’s confidence in U.S. fiscal sustainability becomes the binding constraint—not a congressional vote.

Social Security and Medicare are driving the structural gap, and no combination of discretionary cuts or tax increases on high earners can fully close it without addressing benefit structures or eligibility ages. The actuarial deficit in Social Security through 2097 is approximately $22T (present value).

Part 6 takeaway: The case for spending increases rests on healthcare system inefficiency (the U.S. already pays enough for universal coverage), long-run human capital returns on education investment, and reserve currency debt tolerance. The case for consolidation rests on the compounding interest trap ($270B quarterly and rising), the demographic driver of mandatory spending, and the actuarial insolvency of Social Security. The honest answer is that both investment and consolidation are required simultaneously—which requires political solutions that don’t currently exist.
▲ What would change this article’s conclusions

This article concludes that: (1) interest payments now exceed defense for the first time; (2) the U.S. spends 3x the OECD average on healthcare per capita for worse average outcomes; (3) administrative costs and price levels (not utilization alone) drive the premium; (4) the structural deficit is driven by demographics, not discretionary spending.

These conclusions would be falsified by:

• OECD data revision showing U.S. healthcare outcomes (age-adjusted mortality, chronic disease outcomes) match or exceed peer nations at comparable spending levels

• CBO or independent estimates showing that eliminating all tax expenditures and fraud would close the structural deficit without structural entitlement reform

• Evidence that Medicare administrative overhead is comparable to private insurance (not the current ~2% vs. ~12% differential)

If any of these occur, this article will be updated.

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